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Duty   of   the   1 


Samuel  ..;ear 


THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 

GIFT  OF 


U.   C.   Library 


T  H  E 


DUTY  OF  THE  HOUR 


EEV.  SAMUEL  T.  SPEAR,  D.D., 


PASTOR     OF     THE      SOUTH      PRESBYTERIAN     CHUBCH     OF      BROOKLYN. 


NEW- YORK : 

AN  SON     D.     F.     RANDOLPH,      683      BROADWAY 

1863. 


THE 


DUTY  OF  THE  HOUR. 


BY 


EEY.  SAMUEL  T.  SPEAE,  D.D., 


PASTOR     OF     TILE     SOUTH     PRESBYTERIAN     CHURCH     OF     BROOKLYN. 


NEW-YORK : 

ANSON     D.     F.     RANDOLPH,     683     BROADWAY. 
1863. 


THE  DUTY  OF  THE  HOUR 


ESTHER  4  :  14. 
"A>*D  who  knoweth  "whether  thou  art  come  to  the  kingdom  for  such  a  time  as  this  ?" 

THESE  words  were  addressed  by  Mordecai  to  Esther,  the  wife  of  Ahas- 
uerus,  the  Persian  monarch.  Esther  was  by  birth  a  Jewess,  by  condition 
a  captive,  by  marriage  a  queen,  by  her  mission  the  elect  of  Providence  to 
save  her  people  from  destruction.  An  awful  crisis  had  arrived  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  Jews  ;  by  a  royal  decree  they  were  doomed  to  general  exter- 
mination ;  and  Mordecai,  wishing  to  secure  her  interposition  in  their  behalf, 
suggests  that  perhaps  she  had  "  come  to  the  kingdom  for  such  a  time  as 
this."  Constrained  by  the  argument,  she  gave  herself  to  the  service,  and 
was  the  means  of  saving  her  people.  Great  crises  in  human  affairs  often, 
yea  generally,  either  create  or  find  the  agency  suited  to  their  demands. 

Thus,  on  the  twenty-second  day  of  February,  in  the  year  1V32,  just 
one  hundred  and  thirty-one  years  ago  to-day,  was  born  a  man  whom  God 
gave  to  the  world,  and  especially  to  this  country,  as  one  of  the  richest 
legacies  of  his  Providence.  He  was  forty-four  years  of  age  when  our  fore- 
fathers proclaimed  their  independence  of  the  British  Crown.  He  was 
chosen  as  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  during  that  memorable 
struggle  which  finally  ended  in  victory,  and  made  us  a  free  and  independ- 
ent people.  He  was  twice  elected  to  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States. 
Having  served  his  country  in  the  field,  and  in  the  highest  civil  station 
known  to  the  laws  of  this  land,  he  died  on  the  fourteenth  of  December, 
1799,  in  the  sixty-seventh  year  of  his  age.  He  was  a  patriot  and  a  Christ- 
ian, a  great  and  good  man,  heroic  on  the  battle-field  and  wise  as  a  states- 
man. We  speak  of  him  as  the  Father  of  our  country.  The  American 
people  have  been  accustomed  to  hail  the  anniversary  of  his  birthday,  which 
this  year  falls  on  the  Sabbath,  with  special  marks  of  respect  to  his  memory. 
I  need  not  say  to  you  that  George  Washington  is  the  person  of  whom  I  am 
speaking.  In  his  age  he  was  the  man  for  the  times.  In  the  midst  of  great 
difficulties,  in  the  face  of  severe  opposition,  often  assailed  by  party  jealousy, 
sometimes  almost  supplanted  in  his  position,  always  resisted  by  the  Tories, 
he  nevertheless  held,  firmly  to  his  course,  and  guided  the  Revolutionary 
struggle  to  victory  and  success.  Humanly  speaking,  the  effort  must  have 
failed  without  Washington.  Just  as  he  was  completing  his  last  term  of 
Presidential  service,  he  issued  his  "  Farewell  Address "  to  the  American 
people,  warning  them  against  the  spirit  of  party,  and  urging  upon  them 
the  great  importance  of  the  Union  for  their  common  prosperity. 

Having  nobly  done  his  work,  alike  as  the   soldier  and  the  statesman, 
Washington  has  been  sleeping  in  his  grave  for  more  than  half  a  century. 


538941 


The  country  to  whoso  good  he  devoted  his  life,  has  advanced  in  all  tho 
elements  of  national  greatness.  The  Constitution  and  the  Government 
which  he  helped  to  frame,  have  until  recently  been  the  watchwords,  the 
glory  and  pride  of  all  the  people.  The  Union  has  proved  its  wisdom  by 
its  great  blessings.  We  have  rejoiced  in  it,  and  supposed  it  to  be  perma- 
nent. 

Where  are  we  now  ?  What  is  the  present  state  of  our  country  ?  It  is 
a  little  more  than  two  years  since  South-Carolina  began  the  work  of  seces- 
sion. She  was  soon  followed  by  other  States.  Soon  these  seceding  States 
were  organized  into  a  Confederate  Government ;  and  soon  thereafter  the 
nation's  Hag  was  assailed  at  Fort  Sumter.  War  then  commenced — a  civil 
war — a  war  between  the  Government  of  the  United  States  and  a  portion  of 
its  rebellious  citizens — a  war  on  the  part  of  the  Government  to  preserve 
the  Union,  and  on  the  part  of  the  rebels  to  destroy  it — a  war  for  which  the 
loj'al  people  were  almost  wholly  unprepared — a  war  that  has  swollen  into 
vast  dimensions — I  may  add,  a  war  which,  though  not  always  decisive  in 
particular  combats,  and  certainly  not  yet  ended,  has  been  one  of  very 
decided  progress  to  the  Federal  arms,  securing  on  the  side  of  the  Govern- 
ment great  advantages,  and  giving  good  promise  of  final  victory. 

In  the  commencement,  which  was  the  moment  of  patriotic  passion  rather 
than  of  mature  and  long-sighted  reflection,  there  seemed  to  be  a  very  great 
unanimity  of  opinion  and  feeling  among  the  Northern  people  in  respect  to 
this  war.  Public  sentiment  was  so  near  a  unit  that  the  exceptions  were 
comparatively  rare.  The  language  of  sympathy  with  treason  was  not  heard 
on  many  lips ;  and,  when  heard,  provoked  the  contempt  which  it  always 
deserves.  Newspapers  that  had  hitherto  shown  strong  tendencies  to  favor 
the  secessionists,  were  suddenly  converted  to  the  doctrines  of  loyalty.  The 
truth  is,  the  war  was  popular,  so  much  so,  that  it  swept  all  opposition 
before  it. 

Since  that  period,  and  during  the  progress  of  the  struggle,  various  causes 
have  arisen  to  agitate  and  disturb  the  public  mind,  to  set  men  to  thinking, 
and  to  call  out  diversities  and  conflicts  of  opinion.  The  same  things 
existed  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  and  in  that  of  1812 ;  and  they  are 
likely  to  exist  in  any  war  conducted  by  a  free  people.  They  can  be 
avoided  only  by  an  absolute  despotism,  that  crushes  freedom  of  thought 
and  freedom  of  speech.  War  is  a  tremendously  exciting  business  ;  it  pre- 
sents a  vast  many  questions ;  and  hence  it  need  be  no  matter  of  surprise 
if  the  people  do  not  all  see  alike.  The  fact  should  frighten  no  one,  and 
stir  no  man's  passions  to  unreasonable  violence. 

We  have  all  shared  in  some  degree  of  disappointment,  mainly,  as  I 
think,  because  our  expectations  in  the  outset  were  entirely  unreasonable. 
We  expected  to  finish  this  work  with  a  rush,  and  in  a  short  time.  The 
popular  idea  of  war  is  that  of  speedy  victory  followed  by  peace,  without 
any  due  consideration  of  what  war  means,  or  what  are  its  difficulties  ;  and 
hence,  when  this  result  is  not  at  once  gained,  the  public  heart  is  very  likely 
to  yield  to  "  unmanly  depression,"  and  vent  its  passions  upon  the  Govern- 
ment Under  such  circumstances  we  must  have  something  to  find  fault 
with ;  and  the  most  tangible  object  is  the  Government  Every  man  wants 


to  be  the  Government ;  and  if  the  result  be  not  what  he  expected,  then,  in 
his  judgment,  it  is  because  his  policy  was  not  adopted. 

Some  of  us,  too,  have,  at  times,  felt  some  degree  of  despondency  as  to 
the  final  result ;  and  if  we  have  talked  as  we  have  felt,  we  have  communi- 
cated this  feeling  to  each  other.  War,  especially  such  as  the  one  in  which 
we  are  engaged,  tries  men's  hearts;  it  tries  their  power  of  hope;  it  tries 
their  patience ;  and  there  are  some  men  who  are  not  able  to  bear  this  trial. 
They  break  down  under  it.  If  they  are  not  positive  croakers  themselves 
they  are  in  a  very  good  condition  to  listen  to  this  mode  of  talking,  and  to 
be  seriously  affected  by  it. 

There  is  also  among  the  people  an  honest  dissatisfaction  wiih  the  method 
in  which  the  Government  has  conducted  this  war.  The  people  are  not 
agreed  as  to  the  method  ;  and  since  we  are  all  generals,  and  would  be  glad 
to  be  Presidents,  there  must,  of  course,  be  some  collision  here.  Some  do 
not  like  the  Proclamation,  and  others  do  like  it.  Some  complain  of  mili- 
tary arrests,  and  others  think  them  perfectly  justifiable.  To  the  eyes  of 
some  there  is  an  unusual  amount  of  corruption  at  Washington,  while  others 
of  equal  capacity,  equal  candor,  and  equal  opportunities  to  judge,  see  no 
evidence  of  any  such  thing.  There  is  no  use  in  ignoring  the  fact,  that 
honest  men,  good  citizens,  persons  who  mean  to  be  faithful  to  their  country, 
do  not  agree  as  to  the  method  in  which  this  war  has  been  conducted  ;  and 
the  same  fact  would  exist  under  any  policy  which  it  is  possible  for  the 
Government  to  adopt.  It  need  surprise  nobody  ;  and  if  we  are  a  reasona- 
ble and  a  true  people,  it  ought  not  to  harm  any  body.  We  may  make  it  the 
source  of  a  tremendous  evil ;  yet  I  hope  better  things  of  the  American 
people. 

There  is  again  a  class  of  persons  scattered  through  the  loyal  States, 
small  as  compared  with  the  whole  body  of  the  people,  of  whom  one  hates 
to  think.  They  are  out-and-out  traitors,  clearly  such  in  feeling,  and,  so 
far  as  they  dare  to  be  so,  such  in  practice.  They  have  no  sympathy  with 
the  Government  in  this  struggle  for  life.  They  rejoice  "  when  the  rebels 
are  successful,"  and  are  "cast  down  when  victory  attends  the  Federal 
arms."  Some  of  them  are  in  official  positions,  and  some  of  them  are  edi- 
tors of  newspapers.  If  they  were  at  the  South,  they  would  be  rebels 
themselves.  They  are  such  in  feeling.  Their  sympathies  lie  wholly  with 
the  enemy.  The  conduct  of  such  persons  is  indeed  a  great  trial  to  the 
patience  of  patriotic  feeling.  It  is  no  slander  to  call  them  traitors,  since 
this  is  their  proper  title. 

In  addition  to  this,  we  have  in  the  loyal  States  a  somewhat  violent  dis- 
play of  party  spirit,  instigated  and  conducted  by  political  leaders,  who 
simply  want  the  places  of  power,  and  make  the  war  an  occasion  for  gain- 
ing this  end.  They  must,  of  course,  attack  the  Government.  They  must 
denounce  its  policy.  They  must  do  what  they  can  to  impair  the  confi- 
dence of  the  people  in  our  present  national  rulers.  All  this  is  necessary 
as  belonging  to  the  machinery  of  party  tactics.  These  men,  I  shall  do 
them  the  justice  to  believe,  do  not  actually  mean  to  ruin  the  country. 
What  they  mean,  is  to  place  the  political  power  of  the  country  in  their 
own  hands.  They  are  partisans  when  they  ought  to  be  patriots. 


6 

I  have  thus  set  before  you  some  of  the  causes  of  the  present  agitation 
and  conflicts  in  the  public  mind.  Our  present  position  as  a  people  is  a 
state  of  war  with  a  very  formidable  foe,  somewhat  complicated  by  these 
causes.  We  are  not  to-day  as  harmonious  in  the  prosecution  of  this  war 
as  we  seemed  to  be  twelve  months  ago.  Such  is  the  plain  matter  of  fact. 

Now,  looking  the  facts  squarely  in  the  face,  I  wish  to  state  to  you  the 
positive  and  absolute  necessity  of  our  position.  The  enemy  with  whom  we 
are  contending,  will  make  no  peace  with  this  Government  that  is  not  based 
on  disunion.  The  evidence  on  this  point  is  so  abundant  that  I  do  not  see 
how  any  one  can  doubt  it.  You  can  not  propose  any  other  terms  of  peace 
with  the  rebel  authorities  at  Richmond  which  they  will  consider  for  even  a 
moment  So  they  explicitly  say,  and  so  all  their  actions  prove.  I  believe 
this  to  be  a  fixed  fact  I  hence  come  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Govern- 
ment must  actually  crush  this  rebellion  by  force  of  arms,  and  thus  con- 
quer a  peace,  and  in  this  way  preserve  the  Union,  or  that  we  must  consent 
to  disunion.  This  is  what  I  mean  by  the  necessity  of  our  position  ;  and 
let  me  tell  you  that  I  see  no  possible  escape  from  it  We  may  regret  it ; 
we  may  deplore  the  terrible  evils  of  war ;  we  may  differ  as  to  the  causes 
of  this  bloody  contest ;  we  may  complain  of  this  or  that  measure  of  the 
Government;  we  may  contend  among  ourselves,  and  thus  divide  our 
strength  ;  but  here  we  are  as  a  whole  people,  driven  right  up  to  this  neces- 
sity, in  a  state  of  war  with  an  armed  rebellion  which  we  must  conquer,  or 
by  which  we  must  be  conquered.  We  must  succeed  or  fail.  If  we  fail, 
we  shall  all  go  down  together,  Democrats  and  Republicans,  the  supporters 
and  the  opponents  of  the  war,  the  politicians  and  the  common  people,  pro- 
slavery  men  and  anti-slavery  men,  saints  and  sinners.  "  We  shall  all  be 
saved  together,  or  all  lost  together."  We  are  all  in  this  ship  of  State,  and 
if  it  founders  we  shall  all  founder  with  it.  Those  who  can  not  see  the 
hopeless  destruction  of  the  Union  by  the  defeat  of  the  Government  in  this 
struggle,  seem  to  me  strangely  infatuated.  Those  who  suppose  that  their 
political  enemies  are  to  be  the  only  sufferers  in  the  event  of  such  a  disaster 
are  greatly  mistaken.  We  are  one  people,  living  under  a  common  govern- 
ment ;  and  as  such  we  must  share  together  in  the  common  prosperity  and 
glory,  or  the  common  disgrace  and  ruin  of  our  common  nationality.  In 
the  national  sense,  we  shall  die  together,  or  live  together. 

Having  thus  stated  the  case,  as  I  have  desired  to  do,  with  plainness  and 
candor,  I  come  now  to  inquire  into  the  great  and  urgent  duty  of  the  hour. 
What  ought  we  to  do,  as  a  people,  in  "  such  a  time  as  this  ?"  The  answer 
which  I  shall  give  to  this  question,  and  earnestly  commend  to  your  consid- 
eration, is  this :  WE  OUGHT  BY  EVERY  MEANS  IN  OUR  POWER  TO  SUSTAIN  THK 
GovERi&mro  01  *HESB  UNITED  STATES  K*  THE  PROSECUTION  OF  THIS  WAR. 
Tnis  I  hold  to  be  the  cardinal  duty  of  the  hour.  Let  me  in  a  word  explain 
its  meaning. 

By  the  Government  I  mean  the  agency  for  which  the  Constitution  has 
provided,  and  which  the  people,  acting  under  this  Constitution,  have  cre- 
ated for  the  enactment  and  enforcement  of  national  laws.  This  is  the 
Government ;  and  of  this  Government  Abraham  Lincoln  is  now  the  Consti- 
tutional Executive.  He  is  also  the  "  Commander-in-Chief "  of  the  Army 


and  Navy.  Not  long  since  I  saw  in  one  of  the  New-York  papers  this 
phrase :  "  The  Government,  as  it  is  called:1  What  did  the  editor  mean  by 
the  clause  "  as  it  is  called ".?  I  will  not  answer  the  question ;  yet  any 
man  of  common-sense  will  readily  detect  the  spirit  of  the  clause.  I  am 
of  opinion  that  Abraham  Lincoln  is  the  President  of  these  United  States, 
bound  by  the  duties  of  his  office,  and  entitled  to  all  that  respect  which  the 
laws  of  God  confer  upon  the  civil  ruler.  Dr.  Hodge,  of  Princeton,  in  a 
recent  article  on  the  war,  remarks :  "  That  the  government  to  which  our 
allegiance  is  due  is  the  National  Government  at  Washington,  of  which 
Abraham  Lincoln  is  the  constitutional  head."  The  Administration  is  now 
the  Executive  Government,  and  will  be  during  the  period  of  its  constitu- 
tional service.  There  is  no  other ;  and  you  can  have  no  other  without  a 
revolution.  This  Administration,  for  at  least  two  years  to  come,  must 
conduct  this  war ;  and  during  this  period  the  salvation  of  the  nation  will 
be  in  its  hands.  If  this  rebellion  is  to  be  crushed  by  force,  please  to 
remember  that  this  can  only  be  done  through  the  constituted  authorities  at 
Washington. 

By  supporting  this  Government,  I  do  not  mean  that  the  people  should 
surrender  the  right  of  private  judgment,  or  decline  in  a  proper  way  to  ex- 
press their  opinions  of  its  policy.  But  I  do  mean  that  the  people  should  so 
exercise  this  right  as  not  to  abuse  it,  and  bring  themselves  into  conflict  with 
the  duties  they  owe  to  the  national  authority.  They  ought  not  to  slander 
their  own  Government.  They  ought  not  to  speak  disrespectfully  of  their 
civil  rulers.  They  ought  to  sustain  the  financial  credit  of  the  nation.  They 
ought  to  obey  the  laws,  and  sustain  those  who  are  engaged  in  their  execu- 
tion. They  ought  cheerfully  to  bear  the  burdens  which  are  imposed  upon 
them.  In  the  time  of  war,  especially  such  a  war  as  the  present,  they  ought 
to  adjourn  all  minor  questions,  to  frown  upon  all  factious  opposition,  to  lay 
aside  the  collisions  of  party  strife,  and  unite  as  one  man  in  supporting  the 
national  authority.  They  surely  ought  not  to  cripple  and  break  down  the 
very  authority  which  is  their  only  defense  and  safety,  at  the  very  moment 
in  which  the  enemy  is  upon  them.  The  Government  should  be  wise ;  it 
should  be  efficient ;  it  should  remember  that  the  people  are  thinkers ;  but 
when  the  Government,  in  such  a  crisis,  taking  counsel  of  its  own  wisdom, 
and  all  the  wisdom  it  can  bring  to  its  aid,  has  enacted  its  laws  and  fixed  its 
policy,  then  the  people  must  sustain  it,  or  civil  society  is  a  failure.  I  know 
that  there  are  extreme  cases  of  conscience,  and  enormous  oppressions  justi- 
fying a  popular  revolution,  that  qualify  these  statements ;  but  no  man  of 
candor  will  pretend  that  in  the  loyal  States  we  have  reached  any  such  ex- 
tremities. Parties  are  quite  apt  to  see  such  extremities  where  they  do  not 
exist ;  traitors  always  see  them ;  yet  I  think  this  is  a  time  when  the  people 
should  not  allow  either  politicians  or  traitors  to  spread  confusion  and  discord 
in  their  own  ranks. 

I  have  thus  stated  as  clearly  as  I  can  what  I  mean  by  the  Government, 
and  also  what  I  mean  by  supporting  it.  The  Government  intends  to  prose- 
cute this  war  to  final  victory ;  such  is  its  public  declaration  to  the  world ; 
and  I  ask  you  to  give  it  your  earnest  and  hearty  support  for  the  following 
reasons : 


8 

THE  FIRST  IS  THE  FACT  THAT  IT  IS  A  GOVERNMENT,  NOT  ONE  SO  "  CALLED,"  BCT 

ONE  IN  FACT  AS  WELL  AS  RIGHT.  Allegiance  of  both  sentiment  and  practice 
to  government  is  a  religious  obligation.  The  Bible  makes  it  such.  "  Gov- 
ernment is  a  divine  institution."  Obedience  to  the  powers  that  be  is  a  moral 
duty.  Disloyalty  is  both  a  crime  against  the  State  and  a  sin  against  the 
God  of  Heaven.  Traitors,  \vhether  Northern  or  Southern,  pro-slavery  or 
anti-slavery,  Democratic  or  Republican,  editorial  or  political,  traitors  in  pub- 
lic or  private  life,  are  sinners  against  God ;  they  break  the  law  of  Heaven ; 
and  those  who  countenance  or  aid  them,  designing  to  do  so,  are  partakers 
with  them  in  this  guilt.  Have  we  a  Government  in  this  time  of  war — a 
legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  authority  still  existing  in  this  nation? 
We  certainly  have ;  the  action  of  this  authority,  moreover,  is  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land,  and  by  the  laws  of  God  we  are  required  to  obey  it.  There 
is  not  a  man  in  this  whole  land,  whose  property  or  services  the  Government 
may  not  command  for  the  purpose  of  conducting  this  war.  Some  people 
talk  about  resistance,  if  this  or  that  measure  should  be  adopted,  if  conscrip- 
tion should  be  resorted  to  as  the  means  of  filling  up  the  ranks  of  the  army. 
Let  me  tell  you  that  this  means  anarchy,  and  that  anarchy  means  perdition. 
Let  there  be  an  anti-war  party  in  the  loyal  States,  forcibly  resisting  the  na- 
tional authority,  or  undertaking  to  do  any  thing  of  a  compulsory  nature  in 
opposition  to  that  authority,  and  you  will  have  two  civil  wars  instead  of  one. 
The  national  authority  is  the  interpreter  of  its  own  rights  and  duties,  as  it 
must  be  if  it  be  the  supreme  Government  of  the  land ;  and  no  action  of  indi- 
viduals, no  resolutions  of  State  Legislatures,  no  Conventions  of  Commission- 
ers, must  forcibly  cross  its  path.  You  may  at  the  proper  time  change  the 
persons  who  wield  this  authority ;  but  you  must  not  touch  the  authority 
itself.  This  is  sacred  by  the  laws  of  God.  To  this,  you  and  I,  and  all  the 
people,  owe  the  duty  of  loyalty ;  and  by  this  I  mean  "  the  allegiance  and 
service  which  the  law  requires  of  a  citizen  to  his  country,  or  of  a  subject  to 
his  sovereign."  I  have  always  been  a  law  and  order  man.  I  am  so  to-day. 
For  this  reason  I  denounce  treason  as  an  atrocious  crime.  I  believe  it  to  be 
such.  I  can  have  no  sympathy  with  men  who  make  light  of  the  sanctity  of 
law.  My  Bible  teaches  me  that  the  civil  ruler  is  the  minister  of  God. 

THE  SECOND  REASON  WHICH  I  OFFER  FOR  SUPPORTING  THE    GOVERNMENT,  CON- 
SISTS IN  THE  FACT  THAT  THE  NATION  IS  IN  A  STATE  OF  WAR.       I  do  not  nOW  de- 

cide  what  kind  of  a  war  it  is,  or  whether  it  be  just  or  not.  I  simply  declare 
it  to  be  a  state  of  war.  We  have  armies  in  the  field,  that  have  gone  forth  at 
the  call  of  the  Government,  to  fight  the  battles  of  their  country.  They  are 
facing  the  enemy,  and  the  enemy  facing  them.  They  are  to  win  victories  or 
suffer  defeats.  Now,  what  will  you  do  in  such  a  state  of  things  ?  Will  you 
desert  the  Government  and  army  of  your  country  in  the  presence  of  an  armed 
foe,  break  down  the  one  and  starve  the  other,  and  thus  force  a  peace  upon 
the  nation  that  will  be  its  disgrace,  and  perhaps  its  ruin  ?  Will  you  be  in- 
different to  a  struggle  in  which  your  own  country  is  involved  ?  Are  you 
going  to  act  the  part  of  traitors  yourselves  by  giving  aid  and  comfort  to  the 
enemy  ?  Surely  not.  I  think  better  of  you.  I  think  better  of  the  people 
of  the  loyal  States.  There  is  a  principle  of  patriotism  involved,  which  must 
have  influence  with  every  noble  and  generous  mind.  It  is  for  this  reason 


that  an  anti-war  party,  that  in  the  time  of  war  seeks  to  embarrass  and  per- 
plex the  Government,  when  it  comes  to  be  fairly  understood  by  the  people, 
's  quite  sure  to  seal  its  own  fate.  The  Hartford  Convention  was  so  regarded 
in  the  war  of  1812,  I  think  undeservedly,  yet  it  was  so  regarded;  and  the 
very  name  has  ever  since  been  a  stench  in  the  nostrils  of  the  nation.  War 
is  an  hour  of  peril ;  it  is  an  hour  of  trial  and  suffering ;  it  is  an  hour  when 
the  powers  of  a  nation  are  put  to  the  test ;  it  is  an  hour  when  the  national 
honor  and  safety  are  at  stake ;  and  hence  I  insist  that  the  state  of  war  gives 
special  emphasis  to  the  doctrine  of  allegiance.  This  surely  is  not  the  time 
for  the  people  to  desert  their  own  flag,  and  seek  to  embarrass  the  Govern- 
ment which  affords  them  protection.  Then,  if  ever,  a  man  should  stand  up 
for  his  country,  and  give  to  its  public  authorities  his  earnest  support.  He 
may  desire  peace ;  he  should  do  so ;  but  until  the  Government  can  safely 
make  a  peace,  patriotism  requires  him  to  sustain  it  in  prosecuting  the  war. 
This  is  always  the  surest  road  to  a  safe  peace.  Peace  purchased  at  the  price 
of  dishonor,  especially  the  inglorious  prostration  and  ruin  of  one's  country, 
is  always  too  dearly  bought.  It  is  a  greater  evil  than  war.  "I  am  amazed,'' 
says  General  Eosecrans,  in  a  recent  letter  to  the  Legislature  of  Ohio,  "  that 
any  one  could  think  of  'peace  on  any  terms.'  He  who  entertains  the  senti- 
ment is  fit  only  to  be  a  slave.  He  who  utters  it  at  this  time  is  moreover  a 
traitor  to  his  country,  who  deserves  the  scorn  and  contempt  of  all  honorable 
men."  These  are  earnest  words.  They  come  from  one  who  has  a  right  to 
speak  to  the  people,  and  urge  them  to  support  the  Government  in  this  terri- 
ble contest.  In  times  likes  these  every  man  ought  to  uphold  the  national 
authority.  This  is  our  only  safety. 

As  A  THIRD  REASON  FOR  SUSTAINING   THE   GOVERNMENT,  I   NAME   THE   OBJECT 

OF  THIS  WAR.  By  object,  I  mean  the  declared  purpose  of  the  Government  in 
its  prosecution.  Upon  this  question  there  ought  to  be  no  mistake  in  the 
public  mind.  There  surely  is  no  occasion  for  it,  since  this  purpose  has  been 
proclaimed  in  the  most  distinct  and  complete  manner.  Both  houses  of  Con- 
gress have  said  to  the  people  and  said  to  the  world,  that  the  sole  and  only 
object  of  the  war  is  to  suppress  the  rebellion  and  restore  the  Union.  In  his 
Inaugural  Message  the  President  declared  that  it  would  be  his  purpose  to 
execute  the  laws,  with  paternal  tenderness  beseeching  the  Southern  people 
to  return  to  their  allegiance.  In  his  Messages  to  Congress  the  President  has 
announced  the  same  purpose.  The  diplomacy  of  the  Government  with  for- 
eign nations  bears  the  same  stamp.  In  his  Proclamation  of  September  last, 
the  President  declares  "  that  hereafter,  as  heretofore,  the  war  will  be  prose- 
cuted for  the  object  of  practically  restoring  the  constitutional  relation  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  the  people  thereof,  in  such  States  as  that  rela- 
tion is  or  may  be  disturbed."  It  is  easy  to  say,  for  political  and  party  pur- 
poses, that  the  war  has  become  an  Abolition  war,  a  war  to  put  down  slavery 
a  war  for  the  negro,  and  not  for  the  Union ;  this  is  the  current  slang  of 
many  newspapers ;  yet,  so  far  as  the  Government  is  concerned,  there  is  not 
the  first  word  of  truth  in  the  statement.  The  declared  purposes  of  the  Gov- 
ernment prove  it  to  be  absolutely  false.  Those  who  make  the  statement 
have  the  means  of  knowing  it  to  be  false.  The  position  at  first  taken  by  the 
Government,  is  the  one  maintained  to-day.  I  can  not  tell  what  God  means 


10 

by  this  war,  but  I  think  that  no  reasonable  and  candid  man  can  be  in  doubt 
as  to  the  purpose  of  the  Government.  Those  who  misrepresent  this  purpose 
do  not  state  the  truth,  and  some  of  them  are  justly  chargeable  with  a  willful 
falsehood. 

But  has  not  the  Government  resorted  to  the  principle  of  emancipation  in 
application  to  rebels,  as  one  of  the  measures  of  this  war  ?  It  has  done  so, 
and  on  the  same  theory  that  it  has  raised  an  army  and  built  a  navy.  It  has 
done  so  for  the  purpose  of  breaking  down  the  rebellion,  and  restoring  the 
Union.  This  is  the  express  and  only  doctrine  of  the  President.  You  may 
think  it  unwise ;  you  may  doubt  its  constitutionality;  as  individuals,  we  are 
of  course  entitled  to  our  own  opinions ;  but  let  us  not  forget  that  the  Consti- 
tution makes  the  President  the  judge  on  both  points.  His  judgment  is  final ; 
certainly  so  until  some  competent  court  shall  pronounce  it  unconstitutional. 
"We  had  better  leave  military  matters"  and  military  necessities  "in  the 
hands  of  those  to  whom  they  belong."  Above  all,  we  had  better  not  make 
our  individual  opinions,  without  the  means  of  an  enlarged  j  udgment,  the  rule 
of  either  supporting  or  opposing  the  Government,  in  this  dreadful  struggle 
for  national  life.  We  had  better  not  let  our  pro-slavery  or  our  anti-slavery 
affinities,  whether  gratified  or  not,  become  the  law  of  our  allegiance  or  the 
measure  of  our  devotion  to  the  public  authority,  in  this  hour  of  peril.  I  for 
one  do  not  like  the  prevalent  idea  of  the  recent  speeches  of  Wendell  Phillips. 
I  am  an  anti-slavery  man  through  and  through ;  I  want  to  see  slavery  re- 
moved from  this  land,  and  wil1  do  all  that  I  can  righteously  do  to  secure  this 
end.  But  I  am  for  the  Union,  slavery  or  no  slavery  ;  and  this  I  do  not  un- 
derstand to  be  the  position  of  Mr.  Phillips.  I  hope  that  I  do  not  misrepre- 
sent him.  I  think  I  do  not.  I  want  to  add  that  I  have  as  little  sympathy 
with  those  men  whose  only  god  is  slavery,  who  would  rather  see  the  Union 
perish  than  saved  if  slavery  is  to  be  touched,  who  shout  abolition  from  sun- 
rise to  sunset,  as  if  the  word  itself  were  the  end  of  all  argument,  and  who 
clamor  against  the  Government  and  seek  to  weaken  the  confidence  of  the 
public  in  it,  because  it  has  adopted  emancipation  as  a  war  measure.  Who 
are  these  men,  and  what  are  their  antecedents  ?  Some  of  them  are  unmis- 
takably in  sympathy  with  the  rebels  ;  and  some  of  them  use  language  abso- 
lutely treasonable — language  which,  if  they  were  at  the  South  and  applied 
the  same  to  the  rebel  authorities  at  Richmond,  would  cost  them  their  lives. 
Claiming  the  right  of  free  speech,  they  most  sadly  abuse  it  to  their  country's 
peril.  I  am  sorry  to  say  such  things ;  I  do  not  charge  them  upon  any  one 
of  my  hearers ;  yet  the  hour  has  come  for  plain  talking.  There  is  no  dis- 
guising the  fact  that  we  have  traitors  at  the  North — men  who  are  heart  and 
soul  with  the  rebellion.  The  fact  is  so,  and  we  may  &s  well  say  ih 

Has  not  the  Government,  by  military  arrests  and  confinement,  interfered 
with  the  liberty  of  some  of  the  people  in  the  loyal  States  ?  It  has  done  so ; 
and  perhaps  in  this  it  has  made  a  mistake,  and  perhaps  it  has  not.  At  any 
rate,  the  object  was  to  prevent  traitors  from  ruining  the  coantry.  The  thing 
was  done  when  the  land  was  heaving  with  the  spirit  of  revolution,  and  the 
fate  of  the  nation  hanging  upon  a  hair ;  and  moreover,  when  it  was  done) 
public  sentiment  approved  of  it  as  a  just  and  necessary  measure  to  save  tho 
nation.  Now  I  will  suppose  that  the  Government  misjudged  as  to  these 


11 

military  arrests,  either  as  to  the  entire  principle  itself,  or  in  some  cases  as  to 
the  persons  arrested ;  and  then  I  respectfully  ask,  are  we  going  to  be  so 
foolish,  so  narrow-minded,  so  blind  to  our  duties,  and  so  insensible  of  our 
perils,  as  for  this  reason  to  decline  giving  to  the  Government  our  earnest 
support  in  the  prosecution  of  this  war  for  the  conquest  of  the  rebellion  and 
the  restoration  of  the  Union  ?  Are  we  going  to  divide  and  contend  among 
ourselves,  and  thus  destroy  our  own  power,  with  the  enemy  before  us  and 
the  life  of  the  nation  committed  to  our  charge  ?  Are  we  going  to  paralyze 
the  energies  of  the  Government,  and  practically  desert  the  army  in  the  field 
while  we  stop  to  debate  the  undecided  question  whether  the  President  has 
or  has  not  the  right  to  suspend  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  in  a  time  of  rebej- 
lion  ?  Xo,  my  hearers,  I  do  not  think  we  shall.  I  think  the  sober  second 
thoughts  of  the  American  people,  if  not  their  first  thoughts,  will  lead  to  bet- 
ter counsels. 

I  appeal  to  you  as  the  lovers  of  the  Union ;  such  I  believe  you  honestly 
to  be ;  and  if  I  had  the  ear  of  the  nation,  I  would  appeal  to  that ;  and  I 
would  say  to  every  man  who  loves  the  Union,  that  the  object  of  this  war,  as. 
declared  by  the  Government,  is  to  save  the  Union,  and  for  this  reason  I 
would  ask  every  man  to  put  his  shoulder  to  the  wheel,  whatever  may  be  his. 
private  opinions  about  this  or  that  measure.  This  argument,  I  know,  will 
find  a  response  in  all  loyal  hearts.  I  do  not  expect  that  it  will  hare  weight 
with  those  who  are  willing  to  make  peace  on  any  terms,  even  at  the  price  of 
disunion. 

I  URGE  YOU,  IN  THE  FOURTH  PLACE,  TO  SUPPORT  THE  GOVERNMENT,  BECAUSE 
SUCCESS  ON  OUR  PART  IS  OUR  ONLY  NATIONAL  SALVATION.  I  have  always  be- 

lieved  that  we  can,  succeed.  I  believe  so  now.  Give  us  time  enough — the 
question  of  time  is  a  large  element  in  war  ;  and  we  can  certainly  triumph  in 
the  end.  We  can  solve  the  problems  of  finance  and  the  problems  of  the 
battle-field,  and  at  last  exhaust  the  foe  and  bring  him  to  terms.  We  have 
the  power.  All  we  want  is  the  will  and  the  endurance. 

How  shall  we  succeed  ?  I  need  not  tell  you  that  it  must  be  through  the 
public  authorities  at  Washington,  and  that  these  authorities  are  absolutely 
powerless  unless  sustained  by  the  people.  I  need  not  tell  you  that  we  must 
conquer  a  peace,  or  surrender  to  the  enemy.  Peace  on  any  other  basis  is 
now  utterly  out  of  the  question.  Successful  war  is  now  the  only  peace- 
maker. Anglo-Saxon  blood  is  pitted  against  Anglo-Saxon  blood,  and  one  or 
the  other  party  must  at  last  yield.  If  we  yield,  the  nation  is  lost.  If  we 
persevere,  as  we  can,  the  rebellion  is  crushed,  and  the  nation  saved.  There 
is  before  us  no  other  way  of  salvation.  We  are  absolutely  shut  up  to  suc- 
cessful war,  or  disunion.  To  make  any  terms  with  an  armed  rebellion  till 
it  either  submits  or  achieves  its  own  triumph,  is  positively  fatal.  Mr.  Barnes 
well  remarks :  "  God  treats  with  men  in  rebellion  Only  when  they  submit  to 
authority  and  law ;  and  a  government  that  recognizes  a  conspiracy  and  a 
rebellion,  and  which  treats  with  it  as  such,  is  already  at  an  end."  Those 
who  want  the  Government  to  treat  with  the  rebels,  are  very  wide  of  the 
mark.  In  the  first  place,  they  will  not  treat  with  us  on  any  basis  but  dis- 
union ;  and  in  the  second  place,  if  thvy  would,  we  can  not  treat  with  them 
till  they  lay  down  their  arms.  We  must  fight  them,  and  that,  too,  success- 


12 

fully,  or  die.  It  is  a  question  of  life  or  death  on  their  part,  and  equally  so 
on  our  part 

What,  then,  will  you  do  ?  Will  you  stand  back  and  simply  look  on  ? 
Will  you  spend  your  breath  in  criticising  the  Government  ?  Will  you  be 
mainly  occupied  in  laying  plans  for  the  next  Presidential  election  ?  Will 
you  foster  the  spirit  of  faction  ?  Will  you  plot  in  secret  places  to  distract 
the  public  mind  ?  Will  you  encourage  the  rebels  to  hold  on  in  this  strug- 
gle ?  Are  you  going  to  give  countenance  and  comfort  to  those  who  are  doing 
all  that  they  can  to  weaken  the  energies  of  the  Government  ?  In  such  an 
hour,  in  such  a  crisis,  is  it  possible  that  newspapers  and  politicians  will 
"  persist,  at  all  hazards,  in  spreading  discord,  bitterness,  and  strife  among 
the  people  and  in  the  army"  ?  Is  it  possible  that  the  people  themselves 
will  consent  to  be  made  the  victims  of  such  an  awful  folly  ?  Let  the  peo- 
ple take  this  course,  and  the  nation  is  ruined.  Our  destruction  is  sure. 
Fivte  is  then  at  our  very  doors ;  and  unless  we  arouse  ourselves,  and  cor- 
rect so  great  a  mistake,  the  angel  of  death  will  pierce  the  very  soul  of  our 
national  life.  I  can  not  think — no,  I  can  not  think,  that  the  great  body  of 
the  people  in  the  loyal  States  can  be  persuaded  to  deliver  themselves  up  to 
such  evil  counsels.  They  are  patriots ;  they  love  their  country  ;  and  they 
will  fight  for  it  to  the  very  death.  They  will  not,  they  can  not,  consent  to 
the  dismemberment  of  this  nation ;  and  since  success  in  war  is  the  only 
method  of  averting  this  result,  they  will  fight  it  through  to  the  end.  The 
peace  men  on  any  terms,  the  anti-war  men,  those  who  would  sell  out  their 
country,,  the  sympathizers  with  rebellion,  those  who  spend  a  large  part  of 
their  tine  in  croaking,  those  who  vilify  and  slander  the  Government,  will 
either  chinge  their  position  or  lose  all  influence  over  the  public  mind.  There 
is  intelligence  in  this  country ;  there  is  virtue  here ;  and,  as  I  believe,  enough 
of  both  to  .save  the  nation,  notwithstanding  the  clouds  that  now  darken  the 
sky.  Let  England  or  France  forcibly  intervene,  and  let  the  President  call 
the  nation  to  arms,  and  you  would  soon  see  of  what  stuff  the  American 
people  are  made.  You  would  see  an  exhibition  of  the  character  that  is  in 
them,  and  whJ.ch  being  in  them,  will,  with  the  blessing  of  God,  carry  them 
victoriously  through  this  struggle.  They  are  bound  to  go  through.  They 
can  not  avoid  it  if  they  would,  and  they  would  not  if  they  could.  The 
necessity  is  upon  them.  And  this  is  true,  whether  the  Government  at 
Washington  be  Republican  or  Democratic.  No  party  can  administer  this 
Government,  or  terminate  this  war,  against  the  overwhelming  sentiment  of 
the  people,  that  the  nation  must  and  shall  be  preserved.  We  may  be  de- 
layed by  our  divisions  on  minor  questions  ;  we  may  prolong  the  war ;  we 
may,  by  the  contests  of  party,  put  our  country  to  great  trial  and  even  jeop- 
ardy ;  but  we  shall  come  to  this  at  last.  This  is  the  position  of  the  North- 
ern people ;  and  they  never  will  forsake  it,  because  in  the  very  nature  of 
things  they  can  not.  On  this  point  I  advise  you  to  be  of  good  cheer,  and 
look  hopefully  into  the  future.  Stand  by  the  Government  of  your  country, 
which  is  now  your  only  salvation ;  and  all  things  will  come  out  right. 

As  to  the  fanatics  and  political  lunatics,  who  look  at  this  war  exclusively 
from  the  anti-slavery  stand-point,  you  need  not  trouble  yourselves.  They 
are  not  the  Government,  and  never  will  be. 


13 

As  to  Northern  traitors,  I  advise  you  not  to  be  deceived  by  their  treache- 
ry, or  frightened  by  their  bluster.  Some  of  them  are  bankrupt  politicians ; 
and  some  of  them  never  knew  what  the  word  honesty  means.  Some  of  them 
shout  liberty  when  they  mean  slavery.  All  of  them  are  the  enemies  of  their 
country.  Their  creed  consists  in  opposing  every  thing  done  by  the  Govern- 
ment to  conquer  the  rebellion.  Do  yourselves  the  justice  to  understand 
them,  and  them  the  justice  to  despise  them,  and  then  have  the  candor  to 
tell  them  so.  "  Such  persons,"  says  Dr.  Hodge,  of  Princeton,  "  should  at 
least  be  marked  and  avoided.  All  political  support  or  encouragement  should 
be  withheld  from  them."  I  think  they  will  be  marked.  In  the  public 
esteem  they  will  at  last  go  to  their  own  place,  and  then  they  will  stay  there. 
True  men,  honest  men,  real  patriots,  men  that  have  not  played  into  the 
hands  of  the  rebels,  men  who  have  devoted  themselves  to  the  salvation  of 
th«ir  country,  are  the  men  whom  the  people  will  delight  to  honor.  They 
will  have  a  place  in  history,  while  the  traitors  will  either  be  forgotten  or  re- 
membered only  to  be  detested. 

I  ASK  YOU,  IK  THE  LAST  PLACE,  TO  SUSTAIN  THE  GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PROSE- 
CUTION OF  THIS  WAR,  AS  A  DUTY  WHICH  YOU  OWE  TO  THE  LOYAL  PEOPLE  OF  THE 

SOUTIIEKN  STATES.  There  are  some  loyal  people  in  these  States ;  and  they 
have  suffered,  and  are  suffering,  at  the  hands  of  the  rebel  authorities  at 
Richmond,  to  an  extent  that  is  perfectly  appalling.  They  have  been  driven 
from  their  homes.  They  have  been  persecuted.  They  have  been  impris- 
oned. They  have  been  murdered  by  hundreds.  They  have  been  forced 
by  thousands  into  the  rebel  army.  They  have  been  hunted  in  the  moun- 
tains, and  dragged  from  their  hiding-places,  and  compelled  to  fight  against 
the  flag  of  their  country.  A  more  atrocious  despotism  than  that  which 
Jefferson  Davis  now  wields  against  Union  men  in  the  South,  never  disgraced 
any  age.  It  is  unpitying  and  remorseless.  It  is  no  injustice  to  say  that  it 
is  set  on  fire  of  hell.  We  had  supposed,  that,  at  least  in  this  country,  the 
age  of  martyrdom  was  passed ;  but  it  seems  that  we  were  mistaken.  There 
have  been  martyrs  at  the  South — men  who  by  ruthless  and  wicked  hands 
have  gone  up  to  glory  and  to  God,  guilty  of  no  other  crime  than  allegiance 
to  the  supreme  Government  of  this  land.  When  the  inside  history  of  this 
rebellion  shall  be  fully  written,  as  in  due  time  it  will  be,  the  civilized  world 
will  see  what  slavery  is,  and  how  it  is  fatal  alike  to  the  liberties  of  the  white 
man  and  the  black.  Read  the  recently  published  volume  of  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Aughey,  a  Southern  minister,  entitled  The  Iron  Furnace,  giving  an  ac- 
count of  the  sufferings  and  outrages  inflicted  upon  Union  men  in  Northern 
Mississippi ;  and  your  spirits  will  burn  with  unwonted  fires.  Other  equally 
credible  witnesses  have  testified  to  similar  facts  in  other  parts  of  the  South. 
In  one  of  the  prisons  of  North-Carolina,  according  to  a  statement  recently 
made,  there  are  between  three  and  four  hundred  Southern  men  shut  up, 
simply  because  they  believe  in  the  old  flag.  This  is  their  only  crime.  East- 
Tennessee  has  been  ravaged,  and  her  faithful  sons  persecuted  to  death.  She 
has  implored  the  Federal  troops  to  come  to  her  help.  A  gentleman  last 
week  returned  to  this  city  from  one  of  the  prisons  in  Richmond,  about  one 
hundred  feet  in  length  and  thirty -five  feet  in  width,  and  containing  in  a 
single  room  some  two  hundred  and  thirty  men,  some  of  them  Federal  pri- 


14 

soncrs,  and  some  of  them  Union  Southern  men.  The  prisoners  are  furnished 
with  no  beds  or  blankets,  and  live  on  a  pint  of  soup  salted  with  saltpetre 
and  a  small  piece  of  bread,  supplied  twice  a  day.  The  prison  is  literally 
alive  with  vermin.  Every  man  has  to  lie  down  among  them,  and  to  be  al- 
most eaten  up  by  them.  This  gentleman  upon  whose  authority  I  make 
these  statements,  narrates  the  case  of  a  Baptist  minister  from  East-Tennes- 
see, sixty  years  of  age,  who  has  been  in  this  prison  for  more  than  a  year. 
He  was  suspected  of  not  being  in  sympathy  with  the  rebellion ;  and  to  test 
him  he  was  required  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Confederate  Gov- 
ernment ;  and  this  he  would  not  do,  and  because  he  would  not,  he  was  in- 
stantly arrested,  and  has  ever  since  been  incarcerated  in  Richmond.  He 
states  many  other  cases  of  a  like  nature.  One  man  was  dragged  from  his 
home  in  Virginia,  without  his  coat  on,  without  his  boots  on,  without  the 
permission  to  go  into  his  own  house  and  bid  farewell  to  his  family.  Another, 
a  comparatively  young  man,  has  been  repeatedly  visited  by  his  brother,  and 
urged  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance.  But  he  will  not.  He  is  determined 
to  rot  there  rather  than  violate  his  conscience. 

Such  facts  stir  my  blood.  They  arouse  my  indignation  against  this  wicked 
rebellion,  and  against  the  men  who  are  its  leaders.  I  have  no  rose-water 
diction  for  such  things.  I  pity  these  martyrs.  I  honor  them.  History 
will  honor  them.  They  are  among  the  very  truest  men  in  this  land.  They 
know  what  the  rebellion  is ;  and  this  is  the  reason  why  they  speak  of  it  so 
strongly.  Thinking  of  them  and  feeling  for  them,  I  see  one  reason  why  I 
should  earnestly  support  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  I  want  to 
see  that  great  Moloch  of  death  crushed,  which  crushes  them ;  and  this,  I 
know,  can  only  be  done  by  successful  war  conducted  by  the  national  authori- 
ties. 

What  say  you,  my  friends,  in  regard  to  this  point?  Are  we  at  the 
North,  who  have  had  no  such  bitter  experience,  the  men  to  look  on  with 
indifference  ?  Are  we  going  to  divide  our  strength  in  useless  debate,  when 
our  friends  and  brethren  bleeding  at  the  South  are  beseeching  heaven  and 
earth  that  we  should  be  united  ?  Have  we  lost  our  souls,  our  reason,  our 
moral  natures,  our  patriotism,  in  one  general  wreck  of  all  that  makes  a 
man,  pitching  and  diving  upon  the  angry  seas  of  party  politics,  the  sport  of 
our  own  selfish  passions,  and  that,  too,  when  the  groans  and  shrieks  of 
suffering  patriots  are  calling  us  to  the  rescue  ?  Shame  on  the  man  !  Eter- 
nal shame  upon  the  man  Avho  in  such  a  crisis  is  unfaithful  to  his  country 
and  to  the  Government  which  is  its  only  protection  !  Who  seeks  not  to 
strengthen,  but  to  weaken  the  national  arm !  Whose  policy,  plans,  and 
words  palpably  betray  his  sympathies  with  the  rebellion !  Who  has  no 
earnest  words  of  cheer  for  the  soldier !  Who  would  demoralize  the  army, 
if  he  could !  Who  would  destroy  its  confidence  in  the  Government !  Who* 
riots  in  the  divisions  of  public  sentiment !  Who  makes  it  his  business  to 
sow  discord !  Who  under  the  deceptive  cry  of  peace,  is  ready  to  welcome 
the  dishonor  and  even  the  death  of  the  nation !  That  man  is  my  enemy, 
and  your  enemy  —  the  enemy  of  the  country  as  truly  as  was  Benedict 
Arnold.  He  is  no  patriot ;  and  to  denounce  him  as  a  traitor  is  simply  to 
speak  justly  of  him.  It  is  a  virtue  to  abhor  him. 


15 

I  am  done,  my  brethren,  with  this  subject  for  the  present.  I  have 
spoken  plainly,  I  trust  not  offensively  to  your  ears.  I  bring  no  railing 
accusation  against  this  congregation,  or  against  any  member  of  it.  I  am 
conscious  of  no  unhallowed  bitterness  of  spirit ;  yet  I  am  entirely  in  earnest. 
It  is  no  time  for  men  or  ministers  to  avoid  responsibilities.  I  will  not.  I 
shall  not  ask  the  newspapers  or  the  politicians  what  I  may  say  in  this 
place.  The  newspapers  and  the  politicians,  yea,  this  church  that  has  so 
long  honored  me  with  its  confidence,  and  every  man  in  it,  and  myself  into 
the  bargain,  are  to  me  lighter  than  a  feather,  in  comparison  with  the 
interests  of  this  nation  at  the  present  moment.  I  would  disown  my  father 
and  my  mother,  yea,  I  would  disown  every  being  in  this  world,  sooner  than 
be  untrue  to  the  flag  of  my  country  in  this  hour  of  peril.  I  care  -not  who 
administers  the  Government.  I  care  not  whether  the  Administration  be 
Democratic  or  Republican.  When  the  proper  time  comes  for  me  to  vote,  I 
shall  vote  according  to  my  best  judgment,  and  you  will  do  the  same;  but 
until  that  time  I  shall  in  this  death-struggle  support  the  present  Govern- 
ment, and  that,  too,  whether  all  its  measures  exactly  suit  my  notions  or 
not.  I  shall  do  so  because  it  is  the  Government,  the  only  Government 
through  which  this  nation  can  now  be  saved.  I  do  not  find  fault  with 
friendly  criticism  of  its  measures  for  the  purpose  of  making  them  better ;  I 
do  not  complain  of  the  newspaper  press  for  seeking  to  guide  as  well  as 
reflect  public  sentiment ;  this  is  all  right  and  proper,  especially  in  a  land 
like  ours  ;  but  a  malignant  and  concerted  attack,  with  the  plain  intention  of 
breaking  down  the  Government,  and  undermining  it  in  the  confidence  of  the 
people, — misrepresenting  its  policy, — seizing  upon  every  possible  occasion 
to  damage  it, — loading  it  with  opprobrious  epithets, — speaking  disrespect- 
fully of  our  national  rulers, — styling  it  "  the  Government,  as  it  is  called" 
• — all  this,  let  me  tell  you,  is  a  very  different  thing,  and  springs  from  a  very 
different  motive.  It  is  not  according  to  the  laws  of  human  decency,  or 
those  of  God  at  any  time;  and  at  such  "a  time  as  this,"  when  our  rulers 
need  the  utmost  sympathy  and  support  on  the  part  of  the  people,  when 
they  are  bearing  as  heavy  burdens  as  ever  rested  on  the  shoulders  of 
mortal  men,  when  according  to  their  best  wisdom  they  are  doing  all  that 
they  can  to  conquer  the  rebellion  and  save  the  nation,  at  such  a  time  it  is 
positively  wicked.  This  thing  I  mean  to  rebuke.  It  deserves  rebuke. 
The  country  is  agitated  with  it  to  its  very  serious  danger.  Its  tendency  is 
evil,  and  only  evil,  and  that  continually.  Such  agitators,  if  they  do  not 
actually  mean  treason,  are  nevertheless  serving  the  cause  of  treason  as 
effectually  as  if  they  meant  it.  Their  course  is  positively  infamous. 

Before  pausing  I  want  to  say  a  word  in  respect  to  those  unprincipled 
factionists,  who  are  seeking  to  create  the  impression  that  New-England  is 
the  responsible  source  of  all  our  difficulties,  and  that  if  the  Yankees  of  New- 
England — in  the  elegant  diction  of  these  gentlemen — were  "  left  out  in  the 
cold,"  then  the  Middle  and  Western  States  might  very  easily  patch  up  a 
compromise  with  their  Southern  brethren.  I  am  glad  they  say  it,  since  it 
is  in  their  hearts  to  say  it.  Saying  it  shows  the  men,  and  equally  what 
they  mean.  New-England,  however,  need  not,  I  presume  will  not,  trouble 
herself  with  their  sneers.  She  needs  not  my  defense.  There  she  is  on  the 


16 

page  of  history.  You  can  read  her.  New-England  is  the  land  of  the  Puri 
tans,  of  the  men  who  brought  the  principles  of  civil  liberty  to  this  country. 
The  movement  which  made  us  a  free  and  independent  people  was  born  in 
New-England.  The  war  of  the  Revolution  received  its  largest  support  from 
New-England.  Massachusetts  contributed  eighty-three  thousand  and  nine- 
ty-two soldiers  to  the  Revolutionary  army,  and  the  States  of  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  North-Carolina,  South-Carolina,  and  Georgia,  all  put 
together,  contributed  only  seventy-one  thousand  one  hundred  and  thirty, 
or  eleven  thousand  nine  hundred  and  sixty-two  soldiers  less  than  the 
single  State  of  Massachusetts.  Bunker  Hill  is  in  New-England.  Concord 
and  Lexington  are  there,  and  some  other  places  known  to  fame.  They 
have  school-houses  there  and  churches,  and  no  slavery.  In  New-England 
they  recognize  the  dignity  of  labor.  They  have  free  speech  there.  They 
keep  the  Sabbath  there.  I  believe  there  are  some  colleges  in  New-England. 
If  I  mistake  not,  Daniel  Webster  hailed  from  New-England.  In  New- 
England  the  people  read,  and  write,  and  think.  They  have,  to  a  good 
degree,  "  sound  political  information,"  quite  as  good  as  that  of  those  who 
never  heard  of  Webster's  Dictionary,  and  were  never  guilty  of  looking  into 
a  spelling-book.  New-England  repudiates  secession,  and  means  to  fight 
treason  to  the  death.  New-England  believes  in  the  doctrine  of  Govern- 
ment She  believes  that  this  nation  is  a  nation,  and  not  a  rope  of  sand. 
A  few  of  her  sons  and  daughters  are  in  the  West,  indeed  quite  a  number  of 
them  ;  some  of  them  have  gone  as  far  as  Kansas,  and  others  even  to  Cali- 
fornia. New-England  ideas,  like  New-England  shoes  and  New-England 
plows,  are  quite  a  common  article  in  this  country.  I  think  they  will 
remain  so.  Somehow  ideas  after  all  rule  the  world,  and  New-England  is 
the  land  of  ideas.  "  Leave  New-England  out  in  the  cold  !  "  I  think  you 
will  be  mistaken.  Let  me  tell  you  that  New-England  means  to  stay  in  the 
Union ;  she  belongs  to  it  and  it  belongs  to  her ;  she  means,  too,  that  the 
Union  shall  be  preserved  ;  and  when  you  attempt  to  put  her  out,  you  will 
hear  the  crack  of  her  Springfield  rifles  and  the  thunder  of  her  cannon  in 
a  way  well  calculated  to  instruct  traitors  and  cowards.  I  am  amazed  and 
indignant  at  this  graceless  and  wicked  slang  upon  New-England.  If  there 
is  any  lower  deep  this  side  of  the  bottomless  pit,  to  which  mortal  man  can 
descend,  then  I  frankly  confess  that  I  do  not  know  what  or  where  it  is. 
No,  my  hearers,  New-England  will  stand  by  the  country,  and  the  country 
will  stand  by  New-England  ;  in  this  struggle  the  East  and  the  West  will  be 
a  unit ;  and  with  the  blessing  of  God  the  nation  will  be  saved  and  traitors 
will  be  disappointed. 


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ober, 

Of  LOUIS  H,  Stemer,  M,D,,  Inspector  of  the  Sani- 
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